史观或可商 史笔真无两

2009年11月10日 | 分类: 未分类 | 标签:

 除了钩沉抉隐的口述史,除了不拘一格的叙史风格,唐德刚先生作为历史学家的成就,最为普通读者津津乐道的就是他的“转型”史观。然在专家型读者看来,这套史观,似又卑之无甚高论,不配享有高度赞誉。顷读网络所载纪念唐先生逝世的文章及访谈,如许纪霖,云:“很难说他(唐德刚)在史学研究上有多大的成就,但他在读书界的影响力超过其他公认的学院派史学家”(《东方早报》10月30日)。又如,吾友胡文辉,十分许可唐先生“生龙活虎”的文采,而对其“转型”说,则谓:“大抵不过西方现代化史观山寨版,亦不无黄仁宇大历史观的意味,其本人虽津津乐道,而理论思辨终非所长(《现代学林点将录》)”。

史观是否高明,容有轩轾,吾无辩焉;窃谓,唐先生在其著作中如何结合史实阐述其史观,读者通过其史观将获得对中国近代史的何种认识,是比争论其史观是否高明更重要也更有意思的话题。

请先介绍唐先生的“转型”史观。他说:“笔者对四千年国史之诠释,一以贯之,斯即数十年来初未离口之拙论,所谓‘三大阶段’与‘两次转型’也。愚意自夏禹家天下以後有纪录可征之国史,凡四千余年(公元前2200—公元2000),四千年中,如按我民族所特有之社会型态发展之程序(typological approach to societal development)而分析之,则四千年来我民族之社会政治型态之发展,盖可综合之为三大阶段,亦即封建、帝制与民治是也。从封建转帝制,发生于商鞅与秦皇汉武之间,历时约三百年。从帝制转民治则发生于鸦片战争之後,吾侪及身而见之中国近现代史之阶段也。笔者鄙见认为此一转型至少亦非二百年以上难见肤功也。换言之,我民族于近代中国所受之苦难,至少需至下一世纪之中期,方可略见松动。此不学所谓两大转型也”(《告别帝制五千年》)。按,自1840至1949年为中国近代史,此一分期业已获得共识——由中国社会科学院近代史研究所集体编撰的十卷本《中国近代通史》,不再对1840—1949的百馀年历史作任何分期,而统名为“中国近代史”。然在唐先生看来,“中国近代史”并非一个已告结束的时段,而只是整个“转型”期的前半截,因为,“帝制转民治”的历史转型至今犹未完成,而“整个转型期,大致需时两百年(1840—2040),姑名之为‘历史三峡’”;则是说,中华民族迄今仍在“历史三峡”中搏击风浪,革命尚未成功,同志仍需努力。此即唐先生的“转型”史观。

据此史观看待近代史,则凡诸鸦片战争、甲午战争、戊戌变法、辛亥革命、抗日战争、国共内战、抗美援朝、文化大革命、改革开放等大事件,不论成败,不论美恶,皆不过是“历史三峡中的一个阶段之完成,一个险滩之通过而已”。再据此史观看待当代史尤其是中华人民共和国的当代史,则“大陆上今日当权的人民政府的特性”表现为:“一,它是‘转型期’中最后一个有阶段性的政权;二,它具有中间性:前有帝王专制的遗传,後有民主政治的远景;三,极权政府和独裁领袖的权力递减,从绝对权威递减至依法治国;四,它具有其千载难逢的机运,来结束这场转型运动而驶出历史三峡”(《中国之惑》)。

而据此史观评论近代史上的大人物,最饶趣味。

唐先生说:“在‘近代中国’这座大舞台上表演出将入相的演员们,他们‘才’、‘德’和社会背景,基本上差别有限。只是一部‘中国近代史’,却是一部从‘中古’逐渐进入‘现代’的转型史。在这蜕变期中,则有极明显的‘阶段性’。表演後一阶段的演员就要比前一阶段的,更要‘现代化’。前一阶段的演员,如不把握时机教育自己,当时代进入次一阶段,你就要被时代所遗弃,变成新时代的‘革命对象’了”(《民国前十年》)。按,“把握时机教育自己”,唐先生以孙文为正面典型,谓当“二次革命”受挫,曾经“梦想的‘以美为师’,民主共和政体的实验,全盘失败”,孙文乃调换方向,“以俄为师”,“联俄容共”,终能保证国民党在历史三峡渡过险滩。反面典型则是袁世凯,当他“感觉共和政体不适用于中国,再经过与国民党一番痛苦的斗争之後,金窝、银窝,终不如狗窝,他老人家就要回头去做皇帝了”,终于在历史三峡折戟沉沙,身死犹为後人笑。按,孙、袁看似趋向各异,其实,皆欲以“独裁专制”挽回共和失败的局面——孙文创立“中华革命党”,明令党员对其个人效忠,显为“独裁专制”——只是,孙的表现较袁更为“现代化”,故能获得世人谅解。

在转型期“大舞台”表演最为精彩的“艺员”,则非“倒戈将军”冯玉祥莫属:“他从满清的管带,做到洪宪王朝的‘男爵’;再作直系军阀;又是倒直、排皖、反奉的一无所属的国民军总司令;受基督徒洗礼而受西方传教士支持的‘基督将军’;又做了受布尔什维克洗礼的‘北赤’;又做屠杀共党的国民党右派;再做受少数党支持的抗日同盟军总司令;又重作冯妇当了国民政府军事委员会副委员长;战後游美又作了资本主义的宣传员;中共政权登场,焕公(冯玉祥字焕章)又打算立刻回国投效,终至丧生黑海”(《政学系探源》)。这就是与时俱进的冯玉祥,其立身或有可议之处,但是,“我们却不能因此而忽视冯玉祥在民国史上所起的各种决定性作用”——此即“表演後一阶段的演员就要比前一阶段的,更要‘现代化’”的注脚。只有不断“革命”,方能避免成为“革命对象”;冯公,其知幾者神知时者圣之谓耶?

唐先生以此史观,贯彻于知人、论世、叙史,再以活泼风趣的笔墨描述之;普通读者看他的书,不仅获得阅读快感,犹能通过他的史观获得对近代史的宏观印象,因此,爱不释手,掩卷太息,不亦宜乎。再进一步说,普通读者固然很少具备整体把握历史的能力——其实,专家读者何尝不如此?——然在知晓一些史事之後,则又渴望了解这些史事的意义,甚而奢望以史为鉴,能够看到未来的趋势。其心可悯,其情可叹。于是,史书作者若不能提供简便法门,供其解读陈迹、展望未来,必令读者失望。不独史家如此,即使一个说书人,惊堂木一拍,不也会说一些诸如“天下大势,合久必分,分久必合”的“历史规律”?尽管他主要的任务不过是以讲古来娱乐大众,并不承担普及“正确”史观的责任。然自听众而言,若说书人不能讲一两句“天下大势”,终觉意犹未尽,心中不爽。等而观之,写给大众看的史书,其中包括的形形色色的史观,实在没有什么高下之别。关键在于,作者所叙之事能否以作者所创之史观进行圆满解释,倘能自圆其说,则为佳构,不能,则无人信从,将被自然淘汰。以此标准衡量,唐先生的著作,洵为佳构。

尤为特出的是,唐先生下笔,常能揉杂事实、评论与感慨,天然凑泊,浑然一体,引人入胜。聊举一例:民国十六(1927)年五月,奉军少帅张学良与北伐“铁军”张发奎,在河南南部对阵,战况惨烈。此後数十年中,唐先生分别与张发奎、张学良见面,谈及此役。战时,奉军曾以重炮排轰北伐军。学良忆及炮轰,“眉飞色舞”,发奎则云:“他们那时简直不敢开炮!”为什么呢?云:“那时我们革命军士气最旺。我们在前线,敌方哪个炮声最隆、机枪最密,哪个地方就是我们冲锋的对象,所以他们不敢开炮”。此役结局为“铁军”胜利,奉军败退,据说,当发奎乘胜攻入学良的司令部,在办公桌上发现一封信,上书“留交张发奎将军”,为学良亲笔,信中说:英雄识英雄。是好汉,将来抗日战场上再见。唐先生就此向当事人求证,发奎云,确有此信,吾“莞尔纳之”。学良也证实有此“留函”。及至五十年代中,“张发奎数访台湾,曾违禁约访幽居中之张少帅。二人互道仰慕之忱。杯酒联欢,一笑泯恩仇。当年驻马店一带的数万冤魂就算是白死了”《从北京政变到皇姑屯期间的奉张父子》。试问,如此笔墨,用以叙史,即无史观,何伤?况有锦上添花的“转型”说,有悲天悯人的道德感,能不令读者身临其境,感同身受? 

尚矣。唐先生千古。

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