新瓶旧酒近代史
何谓“近代”
自道光二十年（1840）至民国八年（1919），为中国近代史；自民国八年至三十八年（1949），为中国现代史。这是大陆历史教科书沿用了很长时间的历史分期。然而，如此分期，问题不少。仅从字面上就看的出来，清代和民国被混在一起，而中华民国在大陆的时间又被人为截成两段。清代是君主专制，民国是立宪民主，二者之国体与政体截然不同，根本不能相提并论。这是近代史分期的疑问。民国八年的“五四运动”固然意义很大，但是以此将民国史分割开来，却似夸大了运动的效用；从政治、经济、文化的显著变化而言，民国十七年（1928）南京国民政府的成立更适合视作划分时代的标志性事件。非要将中华民国在大陆的三十八年分成两段的话，以南京政府成立作为界标，肯定比“五四运动”更符合历史的实际情况。这是现代史分期的疑问。
分期有问题，就会导致历史研究的问题。如果说历史也是一门科学——仅取分科而学之义——那么，严格按照约定俗成的近代与现代分期进行分科，势必造成在教材编撰、讲授方式、研究程度诸方面都极不均衡的两科。对于研习近代史的学者来说，面对的历史阶段跨越两种政治制度，各有渊源，不相统属；而其间的人与事，却又纠葛缠夹，并无截然的界限可言。于是，学者既应审明自明代以降各项制度的嬗变（清承明制），又要谙熟现代民族国家的发展理路（民国政治设计的资源几乎全部来自西方），而对跨越时代难言新旧的各界重要人物的交游行事更应了如指掌，此後才有可能著手从事具体问题的研究。所须资质如此，则对绝大多数学者来说，研究近代史是一个不可能的任务。因此，五十馀年来，近代史研究著作尽管汗牛充栋，但是，文质彬彬的佳作仍如麟凤，难得一见。再看现代史的研究，时限既短（不过三十年），制度与事实俱有确定的范围（在民族国家框架内进行的朝野两党的争斗），显然，研究难度比近代史小得多。然而，因为史料获得的艰难（档案等材料分存大陆、台湾两处，且都有不同程度的查检限制）与政治势力的干扰，惬心贵当的现代史研究著作也是百不一见。
当然，这不仅是分期不当造成的问题。但是，分期不当确实是造成困局的主要原因。为了解困，约自上世纪八十年以来，史学界内部渐渐采用另外一种分期方法，那就是“断代”。自1840至1912年，为晚清史；自1912至1949年，为民国史（民国政府迁居台湾以後的历史，可以“南明史”之类的成案例之，视为地方割据政权）。于是，研究晚清的学者可以专心观测帝国末期的风雲变幻，研究民国的学者则致力于追寻现代中国的艰难行路。初初一看，晚清与现代两个领域，井水不犯河水，各有所事，各有所安。但是，中国的“现代化”过程是一个整体性的历史事实，其发展脉络和形势演变并不因人为划分的时段而略有更变。欲解释和分析帝国的解体，不可能不深入研究民国的肇造；而欲研究北洋政府及民国军阀，亦务必对清代“自强运动”（或称“洋务运动”）以来的纷纭人事获致精审的认知。拘守一隅的学者，依然无法在两个历史语境中自如的行走。于是，晚清与现代的划分，仍然无法解除历史研究的困局。
或鉴及此，新近由中国社会科学院近代史研究所集体编撰的十卷本《中国近代通史》，将曾经是主流定义的近代与现代两个时段一气贯穿，不再对1840—1949的百馀年历史作任何分期，而统名为“中国近代史”。这是历史研究前进的一小步，然而，也仅仅是一小步。正名，并不意味必然就能把话给说顺了。清代与民国之间既是天然隔断又有隐密联系的事实，仍然制约着学者取得高质量的研究成果。一个不能快速准确对文言进行断句标点并能分析言外之意的学者，一个不能对清代典章文物制度如数家珍的学者，一个不能对帝国晚期的民众生活与社会习尚具有亲切印象的学者，是无法真确理解民国史的。一个未曾深研世界近代史特别是英、日等国近代史的学者，一个不能详析西方近代政治思想派系的学者，则无法真确理解晚清史。欲准确叙述将晚清、民国冶作一炉的“中国近代通史”，倘未解决以上所说的基本能力问题，则撰述是否能“通”，大有疑问。
不过，这是专业领域的困境。作为读者，作为爱好历史的读者，对此略有所知足矣，不必为此忧心忡忡。即算通史未能尽通，即算秘史犹待解密，也决不妨碍我们通过阅读而享受求知求真的愉悦。
晚清的真相
在研究领域因如何分期造成的困惑，并未出现在出版领域。各种近代史料丛刊都不会严格区分晚清与民国的时限，而是杂然并呈，由读者根据个人兴趣从中选阅。上世纪八十年代末，由社科院近史所近代史资料编辑室编辑，经四川人民出版社刊行的十四册《近代稗海》，就是众多丛刊中具有代表性的一种。其书《编辑凡例》写道：“选辑从鸦片战争到中华人民共和国建立百多年间有关中国经济、政治、军事、文化等各方面的资料，供历史科学工作者参考”；根本不提历史分期问题，似乎早已预见近、现二代将合而为一统称“中国近代史”。今年，由中华书局陆续出版的“近代史料笔记丛刊”，其编辑原则也是一样，《出版说明》写道：“所收史料的时间断限，上至1840年鸦片战争发生，下至1949年新中国成立之前”。其他，如岳麓书社“近世文史资料”，晚清、民国所占比重几乎相当；上海书店“民国史料笔记丛刊”，虽以“民国”为题，实际上，所收资料有不少涉及晚清；又如山西古籍出版社“民国笔记小说大观”，虽亦以“民国”为题，所收资料反倒大半与晚清有关——捎带说一句，这套丛书的编辑质量不是一般的差，错讹之处，触目皆是，不管用以阅读还是研究，都不合适。
略经统计，可知中华版“丛刊”已出书目中，述晚清史事者计12册，述民国者计18册，兼述清、民者计7册。以下，谨就所知，或以史料的重要性，或以趣味性，对“丛刊”已出书目略加评述。
与晚清有关者。许指严撰《十叶野闻》，所述有早至清代开国时的野史，远非“近代”所能范围；书中与晚清有关的野史、秘闻，文字生动，措语大胆，读来趣味不小，但是，失实乃至臆造的地方也很不少。严格说来，此书未经辩证，不附校注，并不适合作为史料收入丛书。“丛刊”另收有同一作者的《复辟半月记》，也是“难免失实”，然编者对书中收录的公文电报，“凡找到出处者，均据原文校对并指出异同”。相较而言，後者作为史料的有效性即大于《野闻》。
书名有个“野”字的，还有一本《清代野记》（张祖翼撰），叙事严谨，几乎每则笔记都注明了消息來源，可信度（或云可验证度）非《野闻》可比。如，叙彭玉麟传纸条给曾国藩，上书：“江南半壁无主，老师其有意乎？”劝国藩称兵自立。国藩一见大惊，立即将纸条撕碎咽下，连呼：“不成话！不成话！”听上去，这像一段评书，不好说是史实，但作者说此事闻诸某人，某人又闻诸倪人垲，而倪氏则是国藩的巡捕官，当时亲睹此事者。于是，读者不论要证实还是证伪此事，都可据其提供的人物线索进行深入考察。
同样记录传闻且可信度高的，还有陈灨一撰《睇向斋秘录》。作者的伯祖，是参与了晚清“惊天”大事件的陈孚恩——如，在道光朝权臣穆彰阿授意下，威逼政敌王鼎（大学士，以自杀作为“尸谏”）的儿子，不许他向皇帝呈递不利于穆彰阿的遗摺；又如，在咸丰朝权臣肃顺的指挥下，与西太后、恭亲王、醇亲王诸人进行争夺政权的交锋。因此，要谈晚清政坛的密辛，陈灨一堪称家学渊源。他并创办了《青鹤》杂志，专门刊载稀见的佚文逸事，又请一些“高干子弟”和名人後代——如大学士祁寯藻、巡抚吴大澂、文廷式及王闿运的後人——提供家藏史料。“丛刊”所收《〈青鹤〉笔记九种》，即取材于此。
此外，“丛刊”中《滇輏日记》、《国闻备乘》、《梦蕉亭杂记》、《陶庐老人随年录》、《东游纪程》诸书，作者或为亲历枢要的高官（如花沙纳、陈夔龙），或为熟悉掌故、博闻多见的士大夫（如胡思敬、王树枏），所载多为信史，足补正史之阙，是後人借以了解近代史不可忽略的重要资料。但是，身亲其事并笔之于书者，也有不实不尽甚至故意作伪的，如恽毓鼎撰《崇陵传信录》。其书有关义和团战争时期的记录，已被当代学者指出不少的谬误，而在此期间他个人的言行与立场，更是粉饰多于实录。譬如，他对义和团的态度是“主剿”还是“主抚”，他对外国的态度是“主战”还是“主和”，以及他到底是“帝党”还是“后党”，是“清流”还是“浊流”？在书中，他愿意承认的都是前者。但是，参以时人的记载以及他自己的日记（《澄斋日记》，业已整理出版），读者却发现，他是支持义和团“灭洋”的，他是反对袁世凯“剿匪”的，他是明着说清德宗好话暗里为西太后遮掩劣迹的，也是投身权贵为虎作伥陷害亢直敢言的“清流”的。回忆录不一定就是实录，这是读史料笔记最需警惕的地方。
“丛刊”关于晚清史料的书中，最精彩的当是徐一士的《类稿》和《谭荟》，其书记事翔实，文笔修洁，组织严密，审断精核，不仅是单纯的史实撮述，更是独成一体的历史著作。瞿宣颖（晚清重臣瞿鸿禨之子，是近代学养深粹的学者），对其书赞叹不已，说足以“救济（传统）史裁之拘束，以帮助读史者对于史事之了解”，可视为“掌故之学”即将兴起的标志。然而，“掌故之学”并未真正成为一个独立的学术科目。可以说，一士的著作既是先声，也是绝响。
民国的线索
不过，“丛刊”民国部分有一本书，可以勉强当作“掌故之学”的“馀响”，此即沃邱仲子撰《民国十年官僚腐败史》。作者真名费行简，是晚清文豪王闿运的弟子，直至1950年代仍在世，曾被聘为上海文史馆馆员。其书历数北洋政府时期中央及地方重要官署的机构设置与人事逸闻，叙事简要，涉笔成趣。如总统府中的高等顾问、庶务长及秘书长，看上去不过是“总统之内幕私吏”，其实，“名心重者任高等顾问”，因与各省军阀及在野名流常通声气，故一有机会则能出任督军、省长；“利心重者任庶务”，因其人兼管京师税务，极有机会进入油水丰厚的财政部；至于“名利双收”，则非秘书长不可，因为他对内是总统的心腹，参与机要，对外是总统的代表，接洽多方，一旦换岗，必定成为“阔部总长”。又如内务部卫生司，论“财运”，虽无法与同部土木司（负责首都基建）相比，但因负责审批首都地方医疗机构的经费，于是，一遇发生疫情，则“司中人忙碌异常，而皆欣欣有喜色”也。出了疫情，竟有“喜色”，所“喜”何事？以今例古，不难觅得答案矣。又如财政部，作者点评，云：“自入民国，人才消乏已达极点，独理财家辈出”；其实，不论国富国贫，倘若缺乏监督，则皆是“理财家辈出”的时代，作者于此，稍嫌未达一间。又如交通部，“其实即粤系也”；海军部，“易名即福建会馆，盖闽人之私产也”。 这是揭示官场以乡谊相联结的情况。而如陆军部，“非学堂出身者不能滥竽”，有传统士大夫“重科第”的遗风；司法部则“为留日学生盘踞地”。这是揭示官场以学谊相联结的情况。乡谊与学谊，既是传统中国最重要的人际关系，即在当代，又何尝不是？北洋如此，不足怪也。诸如此类正中肯綮的析述，此书在在多有。读罢，于增长见闻之外，相信读者必能对民初乃至中国政治获得在一般通史性著述中难以感受到的亲切印象。
民国史有一个重要的题目，即军阀，“丛刊”所收有关军阀的书，数量不少。述及军阀派系的渊源，则以张一麐撰《直皖秘史》及段祺瑞、吴佩孚、李烈钧三人的年谱、传记最为重要。民国军阀大略分为北洋系和非北洋系。北洋系创始于李鸿章，成功于袁世凯，入民国，又分为直系与皖系。皖系以段祺瑞为首领，系中要人全是安徽人；直系老大是冯国璋，人员地域组成不如皖系纯粹，如吴佩孚是山东人，冯玉祥是安徽人。非北洋系的谱系，一般有两个说法，一以地域论，一以出身论。论地域，则有奉系张作霖、山西阎锡山、湘军唐生智、桂系李宗仁、川军刘湘、粤系陈炯明等。论出身，则自清末各地驻军脱颖而出的算一拨，不论本为将帅，还是兵卒，甚至先做马贼、土匪後被招安的，都是同一出身，其佼佼者有张作霖、龙济光（粤）。出身于各省新军的是一拨，拨内又分两派，一系本为新军将帅者，如阎锡山、唐继尧（滇），大部分是日本陆军士官学校的留学生；一系原为新军下级军官者，如何键（湘）、白崇禧（桂），大部分是国内各地武备学堂、陆军学堂的毕业生。再有一拨，则出身于孙文麾下的广州军政府及黄埔军官学校，其著者为陈炯明与蒋中正。然而，不管说起谱系来如何有条理，一旦打起战来，军阀们合纵连横，朝秦暮楚，旁人乃至局中人想把故事的来龙去脉讲清楚，几乎不可能。正因为说不明白，所以“丛刊”中叙述军阀战事的著述特别多，如丁文江《民国军事近纪》，如汪德寿《直皖奉大战实记》，如古蓨孙《甲子内乱始末纪实》及《乙丑军阀变乱纪实》，如李培生《桂系据粤之由来及其经过》，皆是有志于“治乱丝”者，然窃谓这些著述皆不免于一面之词、一偏之见的评价，终是“治丝而棼”。欲求鸟瞰军阀混战的乱象，厘清派系分合的脉络，读者仍应取阅後世学者的专门著作。
还有一个题目，则是“政党”。宗方小太郎《一九一二年中国之政党结社》、谢彬《民国政党史》、南海胤子《安福祸国记》诸书，即为此而作。如述军阀一样，民国政党之间的派系与争斗，读者仅看当时人的史料笔记是得不出清晰印象的，仍应借鉴後世的专家著作。
勘误举例
对照四川人民版《近代稗海》与中华版“丛刊”的编目，我们发现，後者几乎就是前者的再版。有趣的是，在中华版《出版说明》中没有一个字提到《近代稗海》，也没提社科院近代史资料编辑室，仅说这是1950年代“中华书局规划大型史料丛刊之一种”。两套书之间是什么关系，内情如何，读者不知其详。当然，作为读者，不知道也没必要知道出版界的“派系离合”与“明争暗斗”。读者只须就书论书。书写得好，我们赞扬作者；编得好，我们感谢编者。反是，则予以批评。以下，以《民国十年官僚腐败史》的编校错误为例，致以我的批评。
《整理说明》：“本书编者沃邱仲子即费行简，其生平情况不详”。按，编刊于2007年的书，似不应再说“不详”。至少，在最常用的《中国近现代人物名号大辞典》（1993年初版，2001年续编，2004年增订），即有费氏的词条，注明了他的生卒和简历。编者不查此书，遽下定论，实在是不妥。
书中字句错谬不少，略举数例。第21页，“公债司事务极清简，私人极丰厚，人称之为福地焉”；按“私人”如何“丰厚”？当为“私入”之误。第22页，“而遂臭者仍趋之若恐不及”；按“遂臭”不词，显系“逐臭”之误。第35页，“匪[非]特政府”；按匪、非二字通用，是古书常例，如“我心匪石”即是“我心非石”，编者必欲改“匪”为“非”，不知何意。若谓一体改为标准中文，则第34页“或赀其不免私情”，怎么不将“赀”字改为“訾”字？这两个字虽是通假字，但当用作责怪之义，还是“訾”字更常见。第41页，“借款筑路，倒有回扣，以路押款，则回扣尤丰”，按“倒”应作“例”。第64页，“事叔不属”；按“事叔”是何等辈份？当是“事权”之讹。同页，“乘此空间之摩托车”；“空间”应作“空闲”。第70页，“故至今皆随意酬劳，不取定价、婪取也”；按“不取”应作“不敢”。
书中注释不多，也有错误。如第85页注①：“王闿运……任清史馆馆长”；按，清史馆是一个短命机构，从未有一个姓王的馆长。闿运就职的是国史馆，即记载中华民国历史的馆，与清史无关。
书中文字出错的原因，窃谓是扫描《近代稗海》後使用汉字识别软件进行排印，编辑不能细心勘校所致。因为《稗海》所收同名书并未在同一地方出错。若编者据民国刊本进行排印，则有些荒唐的错误绝不会出现，譬如，民国印书，“事权”两字定作“事權”，或有可能将“權”字排成“槿”、“灌”、“巏”等字，但绝不会排成“叔”字。因此，书中出现的错误更印证了这套丛书照搬《近代稗海》的猜测。
当然，即算照搬《近代稗海》，中华书局再版这套丛书，仍然是一件好事。《稗海》出版至今已近二十年，读者购读不便，得以“丛刊”替代，究系有福。惟祝“丛刊”畅销，得在再版时更正各书的错谬，则爱好历史的读者是真有福了。
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